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Seyyed Mojtaba Mirlohi Tehrani
NameSeyyed Mojtaba Mirlohi Tehrani
Other NamesSeyyed Mojtaba Navvab Safavi
Personal Details
Birth PlaceTehran
Brith Date1924 (CE)
Death PlaceTehran
Death Date1956 (CE)
Teachers
Ayatollah Abdolhossein Amini
ReligionIslam

Seyyed Mojtaba Mirlohi Tehrani (1924–1956 CE), known as Navvab Safavi, was a Shia cleric, founder and leader of the Fada'iyan-e Islam. Navvab Safavi studied seminary courses such as jurisprudence and principles, Quranic exegesis, and political and theological principles in Tehran and then in Najaf. Allamah Amini and Ayatollah Seyyed Hossein Tabatabaei Qomi are mentioned as his teachers in the Najaf Seminary.

Navvab was a pioneer of armed struggle against the Pahlavi government. With the emergence of Ahmad Kasravi, Navvab Safavi came from Najaf to Iran to combat his ideas. The assassinations of Kasravi, Abdolhossein Hajir, Ali Razmara, and Hossein Ala are among the political and religiously motivated activities of Navvab Safavi and Fada'iyan-e Islam. Some contemporary history writers consider the efforts of Navvab Safavi and his companions effective in the victory of the nationalization of Iran's oil industry movement.

Opposition to the actions of Dr. Mosaddegh's government due to non-implementation of Islamic rulings was another of his activities which resulted in imprisonment for Seyyed Mojtaba. The book Islamic Society and Government is among Navvab Safavi's works. During his political activity, he traveled to Jordan and Egypt, during which he spoke at Al-Azhar University and met with King Hussein the King of Jordan.

The leader of Fada'iyan-e Islam and some of his companions were executed by the Pahlavi regime on 18 January 1956 (27 Dey 1334 SH).

Family and Childhood

Navvab Safavi in Childhood

Seyyed Mojtaba Mirlohi, known as Navvab Safavi, son of Seyyed Javad and an Alavid mother, was born in 1924 CE in Khaniabad, a southern neighborhood in Tehran[1].

His father was a cleric, but during the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, due to laws and certain government coercions, he abandoned clerical attire and engaged in advocacy at the Ministry of Justice. It is said that in this capacity, he once clashed with Ali Akbar Davar, the then Minister of Justice, and was subsequently sentenced to three years in prison. After three years, Seyyed Javad passed away, and his body was handed over to his family from the prison[2]. The guardianship of Seyyed Mojtaba, who was nine years old at this time, was entrusted to his uncle Seyyed Mahmoud Navvab Safavi, who also worked at the Ministry of Justice[3].

Navvab Safavi completed his elementary education at Hakim Nezami School and his secondary education and modern sciences at the German Industrial School,[4] and alongside modern studies, he pursued seminary sciences at Marvi School and Qandi Mosque of Khaniabad[5].

Surname Change

Some have reported regarding the change of Navvab Safavi's surname from Mirlohi to his mother's family name that this action was likely taken to protect Seyyed Mojtaba from the consequences of being the son of a convict; meanwhile, Ervand Abrahamian in the book Iran Between Two Revolutions considers this change by Navvab as a symbolic move to "declare unity with the founders of the first Shia state in Iran"; although this opinion seems far-fetched, as neither was the Safavid dynasty the first Shia state in Iran nor did this change occur at the time of the announcement of the formation of the Fada'iyan-e Islam group[6].

Migration to Najaf

After creating political unrest against the government at the German Industrial School[7], Navvab Safavi went to Abadan and was employed at the Oil Company. In Abadan, he also sparked a revolt by protesting a British person's insult to an Iranian worker, and subsequently left the Oil Company secretly and headed to the Najaf Seminary[8].

The date of this migration must have been between the years 1940–1942 CE; his studies in this city lasted three and a half years, and while studying, he worked to support his livelihood[9] and it is reported that during this period he did not use religious funds[10].

At this time, Ayatollah Seyyed Abolhassan Esfahani was the central figure of the Najaf Seminary. Navvab took a room in the Great School of Akhund Khorasani and according to some sources, studied jurisprudence, principles, Quranic exegesis, and theological discussions under famous teachers such as Allamah Amini (author of Al-Ghadir), Ayatollah Seyyed Hossein Tabatabaei Qomi, and Ayatollah Sheikh Mohammad Tehrani[11].

One of Seyyed Mojtaba's companions during this period was Seyyed Asadullah Madani, and it is said that he gained the most scientific benefit in Najaf from Allamah Amini[12].

Notes

  1. ↑ Manzorolajdad, Fada'iyan-e Islam, p. 188
  2. ↑ Zarei, Takbir-e Sorkh, p. 94
  3. ↑ Manzorolajdad, Fada'iyan-e Islam, p. 188
  4. ↑ Paknia, Navvab Safavi, Azarakhshi dar Zulmat, p. 28
  5. ↑ Zarei, Takbir-e Sorkh, p. 94
  6. ↑ Manzorolajdad, Fada'iyan-e Islam, p. 188
  7. ↑ Razzaghpour, Fada'iyan-e Islam / Introduction of Key Elements, p. 89
  8. ↑ Zarei, Takbir-e Sorkh, p. 94
  9. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, p. 217
  10. ↑ Manzorolajdad, Fada'iyan-e Islam, p. 190
  11. ↑ Zarei, Takbir-e Sorkh, p. 94
  12. ↑ Ibid.

The Kasravi Incident

Concurrent with Navvab Safavi's residence in Najaf, Ahmad Kasravi had reached the peak of fame in Tehran by publishing works in various fields; his engagement with religion, particularly the publication of two books about Islam and Shia Islam, caused significant distress among devout individuals and clerics in Iran[1]. Harsh criticism of religion and Shiism was the content of most of Kasravi's works in this period, some of which, such as the book Shi'igari (Shi'ism), were also translated into Arabic[2].

One of these works, which is likely the book Shi'igari, reached Navvab Safavi in Najaf; upon studying it and becoming aware of its insulting content towards Shiism, he suspended his lessons and discussions to stir excitement among the scholars and students residing in Najaf[3].

Eventually, according to the decision of some scholars of Najaf, Navvab Safavi came to Iran as a representative of the Seminary to rectify the deviated thoughts of the youth and dismantle Kasravi's operations[4].

Some authors consider Navvab's idea of combating Kasravi to be influenced by Allamah Amini and Sheikh Mohammad Aqa Tehrani[5][6][7].

Upon arriving in Iran, Navvab held numerous public speeches against Kasravi in Abadan and Tehran[8]; subsequently, being present in Tehran, he engaged in debates and negotiations with Kasravi during multiple sessions[9]. In line with these actions, he also went to Kasravi's home several times, participated in his public sessions, and criticized him in public, which behavior faced a threat from Kasravi. The account of one of these negotiations and debates was published in the newspaper Dunya-yi Islam under the title 'Kasravi Responds to Logical Discussions with Threats'[10].

Following this series of confrontations, and furthermore due to the ineffectiveness of numerous other scholarly measures by contemporary clerics[11], Navvab, believing in Kasravi's apostasy, designed his physical elimination and following an unsuccessful attempt with a weapon purchased with money donated by Sheikh Mohammad Hasan Taliqani, one of the clerics of Tehran at the time, personally attempted to kill him and even grappled with Kasravi in this encounter. Eventually, with Navvab's instigation and re-planning, the killing of Kasravi was accomplished by other members of Fada'iyan-e Islam[12].


Formation of the Fada'iyan-e Islam Group

Navvab Safavi was imprisoned after his unsuccessful attempt to kill Kasravi, but following public support, he was released after one week on bail set at twelve tomans, which was provided by an individual named Eskoui, one of the merchants of that period[13].

This was the first action of Fada'iyan-e Islam while they did not yet have a defined organization, and of course, it faced the support of many religious forces including the people and scholars. Following this event, the first communiqué of Fada'iyan was published by Navvab with severely revolutionary literature[14], through which they officially announced their existence[15].


The Ruling of Apostasy; Ijtihad or Taqlid

Among the debatable matters regarding Navvab Safavi is the origin of his belief in Kasravi's apostasy. In the interrogations conducted on him, he was also asked whether this belief was based on personal ijtihad or taqlid from other marjas[16]. Mahdi Iraqi, one of the Iranian revolutionaries, considers this belief the result of Navvab's inquiry from Haj Aqa Hussein Qomi and his answer stating that someone like Kasravi is an apostate and wajib al-qatl (deserving of execution)[17]. According to a narration that somewhat confirms this theory, Ayatollah Qomi, in response to a group of representatives of the Pahlavi court who had gone to Najaf to visit him, said regarding the attempt to kill Kasravi: 'Their action (Fada'iyan-e Islam) was like prayer among the necessities and did not require a fatwa, since whoever insults and abuses the Prophet (peace be upon him) and the Infallible Imams (peace be upon them), his killing is obligatory and his blood is wasted'[18].

Considering the aforementioned cases, researchers have no doubt that Kasravi's killing was with the permission of some contemporary marjas, and they consider this permission proven from scholars such as Allamah Amini[19], Sayyid Abul Hasan Isfahani, Haj Aqa Hussein Qomi, Sheikh Mohammad Tehrani, Sayyid Abul-Qasim Kashani, and even Sayyid Mohammad Behbahani[20].

According to existing historical documents, Navvab Safavi himself, in his interrogations and in answer to the question 'On what title, and with the permission of which mujtahid have you done these things?' says: 'Permission of a mujtahid is not needed, since we are not conducting jihad. These are aggressors, and if anyone aggresses against Islam and the honor of Muslims, it is obligatory for every Muslim to defend. And since we have power and can, we defend.'[21].


Notes

  1. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, pp. 217-218
  2. ↑ Ibid, p. 1031
  3. ↑ Manzur al-Ajdad, Fada'iyan-e Islam, p. 191
  4. ↑ Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, p. 23
  5. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, p. 218
  6. ↑ Manzur al-Ajdad, Fada'iyan-e Islam, p. 191
  7. ↑ Zarei, Takbir-e Surkh, p. 95
  8. ↑ Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, pp. 24-26
  9. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, p. 219
  10. ↑ Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, p. 26
  11. ↑ Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, p. 26; also: Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, p. 219
  12. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, p. 219
  13. ↑ Manzur al-Ajdad, Fada'iyan-e Islam, p. 192
  14. ↑ Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, pp. 32-33
  15. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, pp. 219-220
  16. ↑ Golsorkhi, Shared Memories, p. 35
  17. ↑ Nagofteha, Mahdi Iraqi, p. 22
  18. ↑ Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, p. 41
  19. ↑ Manzur al-Ajdad, Fada'iyan-e Islam, p. 191
  20. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, p. 221
  21. ↑ Golsorkhi, Shared Memories, p. 35

Navvab and Mosaddegh: From Pact to Prison

Navvab's Speech at Ayatollah Kashani's House

During the turbulent years of the 1950s (CE), joint struggles by religious figures led by Seyyed Abol-Qasem Kashani and nationalists led by Mosaddegh against the Pahlavi government reached their peak. The nationalization of the oil industry was one of the goals of these struggles, and Prime Minister Razmara was considered the main obstacle to achieving this.[1].

According to accounts from some close to the Fada'iyan-e Islam group, during those days Navvab Safavi arranged a meeting with some leaders of the National Front, including Dr. Fatemi, Hossein Makki, and Ha'eri Zadeh, and several others, and secured a pledge from them regarding the implementation of Islamic laws if the National Front came to power. Upon acceptance of this pact by the representatives of the nationalists, Navvab also promised them the physical elimination of Razmara as the main obstacle to the nationalization of the oil industry and the administration of the government based on Islamic standards.[2].

With the beginning of Mosaddegh's premiership, his differences with Navvab began. Multiple arrests of Fada'iyan-e Islam members by the national government, Navvab's protests against these arrests[3], as well as the issuance of statements by Navvab calling for the country to be run by the Leader of Muslims, fueled these differences[4]. Consequently, Navvab was arrested on 3 June 1951 (CE) and transferred to Qasr Prison[5].

Navvab Safavi was in prison for twenty months out of the twenty-eight months of Mosaddegh's government and is the only political prisoner of this period[6].

The reason for this conviction in court was announced as Navvab's attack on a liquor store in Sari related to two years before his arrest. Following this incident, fifty-one members of the Fada'iyan, after entering the prison to meet Navvab, did not leave and staged a sit-in there for the release of their leader; this sit-in was ended by the military forces of the time. These struggles also led to differences between the Fada'iyan and Seyyed Abol-Qasem Kashani[7].


Challenges with Ayatollah Borujerdi

Until the consolidation of the position of Ayatollah Borujerdi, the Fada'iyan-e Islam were supported by some marjas in Qom, including Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Khansari. However, according to existing oral accounts, from 1950 (CE) onwards, Navvab and his supporters encountered problems with Ayatollah Borujerdi's office[8].

The root of these differences is attributed to the type of view and approach of the Fada'iyan, which was heavily political, compared to Ayatollah Borujerdi, who did not have such a view towards politics and intervention in it (to the extent that he did not intervene in the flow of the nationalization of the oil industry)[9]. These differences intensified with the entry and influence of the Fada'iyan in the Qom Seminary and escalated to physical confrontations between some affiliates of Ayatollah Borujerdi's household, including an individual named Sheikh Ali Lor, and a number of Fada'iyan members[10].

According to some narrations, Ayatollah Borujerdi said in one of his lesson sessions and in one of the direct encounters with the Fada'iyan-e Islam: "Invitation to Islam and struggle for Islam is not like this. One cannot fight with threats and usurpation of people's property." These remarks followed letters received by him complaining about the Fada'iyan[11].

Some individuals consider the emergence of these differences and positions to be the result of actions by certain suspicious individuals who were present both among the Fada'iyan supporters in Qom and among the supporters of Ayatollah Borujerdi[12].

Alongside these events, there are various memoirs regarding Ayatollah Borujerdi's financial assistance to the Fada'iyan and specifically Navvab Safavi[13].

Ayatollah Borujerdi initially supported the Fada'iyan and even provided financial aid to them through Seyyed Hossein Badla, who was part of his Istifta council and a cousin of Abdolhossein Vahedi[14]. However, from Spring 1950 (CE), differences with the Fada'iyan escalated and ultimately led to the migration of a number of seminary students supporting the Fada'iyan from Qom to Tehran[15].

In one of the interrogations, acknowledging Ayatollah Borujerdi's supreme knowledge, Navvab said regarding his lack of political action: "I am a soldier of Islam and Mr. Borujerdi is an officer. As long as there is a soldier, the officer does not go to the field. His position is higher, and on the other hand, we are here. If we were not here, he would take action. With our presence, it is not necessary for him to take action."[16]. Ayatollah Borujerdi did not intervene in the execution of Navvab Safavi and the Fada'iyan-e Islam, which is attributed to his confidence that they would not be executed by the regime[17].


Martyrdom and Burial Place

Navvab Safavi and some of his companions were executed by firing squad by the Imperial regime on 18 January 1956 (CE). His body was buried in Wadi al-Salam Cemetery in Qom.


Notes

  1. ↑ See Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, pp. 223-228
  2. ↑ Karbaschian, The Story of a Broken Promise, p. 19; also with slight differences in Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, p. 93
  3. ↑ Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, pp. 111-118; Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, p. 228
  4. ↑ Vase'i, Dr. Mosaddegh from Behind Dark Clouds, p. 11
  5. ↑ Khosrowshahi, Fada'iyan-e Islam: History, Performance, Thought, pp. 111-118
  6. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, p. 230
  7. ↑ Ibid.
  8. ↑ Ibid., p. 237
  9. ↑ Ibid., p. 238
  10. ↑ Mobaraqei, The Light and Lantern of Religious Authority, p. 94
  11. ↑ Soltani Tabatabai, The Light and Lantern of Religious Authority, pp. 54-55
  12. ↑ Badla, The Light and Lantern of Religious Authority, p. 120
  13. ↑ Ibid., pp. 119-120
  14. ↑ Jafarian, Religious and Political Movements and Organizations in Iran, 2010 (CE), p. 240
  15. ↑ Ibid., pp. 237 to 240
  16. ↑ Golsorkhi, Shared Memories, p. 37
  17. ↑ Soltani Tabatabai, The Light and Lantern of Religious Authority, pp. 55-56

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