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Draft:Sayyid Muhammad Behbahani

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Sayyid Muhammad Behbahani
Personal Details
Birth PlaceTehran, Iran
Death PlaceTehran, Iran
TeachersTemplate:Vertical list
ReligionIslam

Sayyid Muhammad Behbahani (1253–1342 SH) son of Sayyid Abdullah Behbahani, during the Constitutional Era, was a member of the council for the deposition of Mohammad Ali Shah from the throne and a representative in the Second Parliament, member of the Constituent Assembly during the time of Reza Khan, and played the role of an intermediary between the marja's (sources of emulation) and the people with the court during the era of Mohammad Reza Shah.

In 1327 SH, he signed a statement along with 14 mujtahids in which appearing in public places without hijab was declared forbidden for women. Also, among his actions was serious confrontation with the Baha'i sect and their activities.

Behbahani's relations with the government deteriorated after 1337 SH. He passed away on 20 Aban 1342 SH (24 Jumada al-Thani 1383 AH), and was buried in the Shrine of Imam Ali (peace be upon him).


Introduction

Sayyid Muhammad Behbahani was born in 1291 AH in Tehran. His father, Sayyid Abdullah Behbahani, was counted among the famous leaders of the Constitutional Revolution. Sayyid Muhammad owed most of his fame and influence to his father[1].

He received his initial religious education from his father and it is said that in rational sciences he was a student of Mirza Abu'l-Hasan Jilveh. After some time, he went to Najaf and in jurisprudence and principles, attended the lessons of professors such as Akhwund Khurasani[2]. He passed away in Tehran on 20 Aban 1342 due to cancer; official mourning was declared on the day of his death and his body was transferred to Najaf[3] buried in room number 29 of the Shrine of Amir al-Mu'minin (peace be upon him)[4].


During the Constitutional Era

The beginning of Behbahani's political activities started from the Constitutional Era alongside his father. After the period of Minor Autocracy and the fall of Mohammad Ali Shah, he became a member of a council of constitutionalists that was formed to restore constitutionalism. This council in its first session, deposed Mohammad Ali Shah from the throne and seated Ahmad Mirza in his place[5]. Behbahani also acted extensively for the formation of the Parliament and was elected as the representative of the people of Tehran in the Second Parliament[6].

Gradually, Behbahani's influence and credibility increased, especially after the martyrdom of his father, so that he practically played a role in most political events[7]. One of his first actions was protesting the exile of clerics from the Atabat by the Iraqi government and at the order of England, in 1302 SH[8].


During Reza Khan's Era

In 1304 SH, he was elected as a member of the Constituent Assembly[9] and until the end of Reza Shah's reign, he had relations with the court. Despite this, apparently until after Reza Shah's reign, he did not participate in any important social activity[10].


During Mohammad Reza Shah's Era

During the government of Mohammad Reza Shah, Behbahani, in the position of a top-ranking cleric of Tehran, played the role of an intermediary between the marja's and the people with the court and considering his religious-social position on one hand and influence in the court on the other, he acted towards solving the political, social, and religious problems of the people[11].


Issuing a Statement Regarding Hijab

Behbahani in 1327 SH, along with fourteen mujtahids signed a statement in which appearing in public places without hijab, was declared forbidden for women. After this announcement, the then Prime Minister, through an intermediary, asked him to restrain the people, considering his religious influence, from assaulting women who do not observe hijab[12]. During the premiership of Dr. Mosaddegh, it seems that the opposition of influential religious leaders, such as Behbahani, to the government's bill on amendment of the election law, which sought to grant voting rights to women, was effective in its failure[13].


During the Nationalization of the Oil Industry Movement

In the Nationalization of the Oil Industry Movement and the serious effort and struggle of national and religious forces to realize this, Behbahani did not have an active presence and according to his own statements, he distanced himself from interfering in political affairs as much as possible —although it has been said that he did not hesitate to express his political opinions whenever he deemed necessary[14]. Behbahani, was never among the defenders of Mosaddegh's government and even in some cases criticized the government; although he was not pleased with some moves of political groups in confronting the Mosaddegh government, even actions that had a religious aspect, and stated that "For the progress of social affairs, centrality is necessary, otherwise dispersion of thoughts and implementation of ignorant policies based on emotions in social and political movements causes corruption and failure"[15].

The Shah's Cancellation of Foreign Travel

On 9 Esfand 1331, following disputes that arose between Dr. Mossadegh and the court, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi made a definitive decision to travel abroad. According to reports from that period, Behbahani played the greatest role in dissuading the Shah. Aside from various measures to prevent this trip, including a telephone conversation with the then Prime Minister and requesting him to dissuade the Shah, he went to the court at the last hour of the Shah's departure and with great insistence, especially after the serious request of the demonstrators to Behbahani, he ultimately rendered the travel matter void[16]. A number of National Movement activists criticized Behbahani for this action and most historians also view it critically, to the extent that they have considered his action a kind of alignment with the court and opposition to Dr. Mossadegh[17].


Opposition to Mossadegh's Referendum Announcement

In Mordad 1332, following Mossadegh's announcement of a referendum regarding the dissolution of the 17th Parliament, which even faced opposition from many of his closest associates and representatives supporting the National Movement, Behbahani and Ayatollah Seyyed Abolqasem Kashani considered Mossadegh's action contrary to Sharia and forbidden[18]. Although Behbahani and Kashani shared a common stance against Mossadegh in some instances, this common stance did not constitute complete alignment, and Kashani even criticized him[19].


Behbahani's Role in the 28 Mordad Coup

Often in the events leading to the 28 Mordad Coup, Behbahani's name is also raised, but there is disagreement regarding the specifics. Some attribute a decisive role to him and attribute the mobilization of groups of thugs on 27 Mordad in support of the Shah, who had fled the country after the failure of the 25 Mordad coup, to him. These groups attacked the anti-American and anti-Shah demonstrations that the Tudehists had organized[20]. The rioters of 28 Mordad, who along with the coup plotters seized the radio station and besieged and then looted Dr. Mossadegh's house, are considered to be the same forces of Behbahani, Kashani, and Baqai[21]. Some have also said that the Queen Mother during this period repeatedly went to the homes of Behbahani and Kashani and implored them for support for the Shah[22]. Some authors, in analyzing Behbahani's stance in these years and his orientation towards the Mossadegh government, have raised the fear of the Tudeh Party coming to power; conversely, it has been said that he himself played a role in exaggerating the danger of the Tudeh Party[23].


Behbahani After the Coup

After the coup, Mohammad Reza Shah, in a telegram from Rome, requested Behbahani that the orders of the Zahedi government, the leader of the coup, be executed; Behbahani also responded positively to the Shah via telegram[24]. On 3 Shahrivar of the same year, Behbahani also met and spoke with the Shah at Saadabad Palace.


Confronting the Baha'i Faith

Another event in which Behbahani played a serious role was confronting the Baha'i sect. Following increasing pressure from marjas, clerics, and the people on the government regarding the growth of the Baha'i sect and their free activities, the Shah was compelled to issue an order for the closure of Haziratu'l-Quds, the gathering center of the Baha'is. Behbahani strove greatly to realize this demand of the clerics and people and afterwards, on 3 Ordibehesht 1334, during a meeting with the Shah, he thanked him[25].

Deterioration of Relations with Mohammad Reza Shah

Behbahani's relations with the government deteriorated after 1337 SH. The most significant disputes between the court, particularly Mohammad Reza Shah, and Behbahani can be pointed out as follows:

Women and Elections

In Dey of that year, in a letter published in Kayhan, he attacked the re-proposal of women's participation in elections in the Senate[26].

Lack of Freedom of Expression

On 20 Bahman 1340, coinciding with the launch of the Land Reform program, in a harsh telegram to the Shah, he attributed the university incidents and the killing of several students to the delay in convening the Parliament and the lack of freedom, accusing the Shah of negligence in performing his duty. Following this telegram, which was accompanied by intensified activities by Sayyid Jafar Behbahani, son of Sayyid Muhammad, Sayyid Jafar, who had been a member of Parliament for several terms, was arrested[27].

Law of Provincial and County Councils

Following the approval of the Law of Provincial and County Councils on 16 Mehr 1341, in which the condition of swearing an oath to the Quran and being Muslim was removed from the requirements for candidates and voters, and women were granted the right to vote, Behbahani's relationship with the government became more strained[28].

Following the approval of this law, scholars of Qom and Najaf, such as Ayatollah Hakim and Ayatollah Khoei telegraphed Behbahani requesting his action to annul this law, and he also emphasized this demand in a telegram to the Shah. Behbahani called on the people to gather at Sayyid Azizullah Mosque in the Tehran Bazaar to protest this law. At this ceremony, after a speech by the famous Tehran preacher Mohammad-Taqi Falsafi, Behbahani, despite his old age, went to the pulpit and asked the Prime Minister to amend this law.

Since the government paid no attention to these protests, Behbahani and three mujtahids decided to stage a sit-in at Haj Sayyid Azizullah Mosque and invite people to attend the mosque. When the government's disregard intensified, Behbahani, who was about ninety years old, willed that if he passed away in the meantime, his body should not be buried but kept in the mosque until this law was annulled. Eventually, the Prime Minister announced the cancellation of the decree in a telegram to the scholars of Qom and Tehran, and by accepting the demands of the maraji', subsequent gatherings were also cancelled[29].

White Revolution

In the referendum on the six principles of the White Revolution, Ayatollah Khoei objected to the White Revolution in a telegram to Behbahani[30] and Behbahani also, in a letter to Alam, the then Prime Minister, explicitly restrained the government from dividing endowment properties and interfering in the affairs of these properties.

Boycott of the Referendum

When Imam Khomeini boycotted the Shah's referendum for the White Revolution, Ayatollah Behbahani, alongside Ayatollah Sayyid Ahmad Khansari, issued a fatwa boycotting the referendum. On 2 Bahman 1341, Mohammad-Taqi Falsafi spoke at Behbahani's residence in opposition to the referendum. This gathering eventually led to clashes with the police, and subsequently, Behbahani was placed under surveillance and prevented from leaving his residence. Thus, this time Behbahani directly confronted the court[31].

Feyziyeh School Tragedy

When Ayatollah Khomeini and the maraji' declared Nowruz 1342 as a national mourning, Behbahani also joined them by issuing a statement and strongly condemned the Shah regime's crime in the Feyziyeh incident[32].

15 Khordad Incident

After the 15 Khordad Uprising of 1342, Behbahani issued a statement and strongly condemned the "crime of the ruling hierarchy" in it. He spoke using explicit phrases of the "vigorous resistance of the clergy of the sacred Ja'fari religion against the actions and disasters caused by the government," and from that time on, he became increasingly the target of the government's wrath, and even his son's election to Parliament was prevented[33].


Footnotes

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  1. Aqeli, Ruzshomar-e Tarikh-e Iran, vol. 2, p. 165; Bamdad, vol. 2, p. 289
  2. Murtazavi Barazjani, p. 115; Encyclopædia Iranica, s.v.
  3. Aqeli, Ruzshomar-e Tarikh-e Iran, vol. 2, p. 165
  4. Fatlawi, Mashahir al-Madfunin fi al-Sahn al-Alawi al-Sharif, 1427 AH, p. 308
  5. Safai, vol. 1, p. 203; Aqeli, Ruzshomar-e Tarikh-e Iran, vol. 1, pp. 40–41; Murtazavi Barazjani, p. 112; Karimian, p. 99
  6. Aqeli, Ruzshomar-e Tarikh-e Iran, vol. 1, pp. 40–41, Farhang Qahramani, p. 16
  7. Murtazavi Barazjani, p. 114; Bamdad, vol. 2, p. 289, Encyclopædia Iranica, s.v.
  8. Aqeli, Ruzshomar-e Tarikh-e Iran, vol. 1, p. 126; Aqeli, Nakhost-Vaziran-e Iran az Moshir al-Dowleh ta Bakhtiar, p. 339; Karimian, p. 99
  9. Makki, vol. 3, p. 487
  10. Hekmat, pp. 30–31; Katouzian, p. 59; Encyclopædia Iranica, s.v.
  11. See: Shahrbani-ye Keshvar, vol. 1, pp. 16, 90–91
  12. Encyclopædia Iranica, s.v.
  13. Katouzian, p. 162
  14. Ibid., p. 197
  15. Ettela'at, no. 7828, p. 5
  16. اطلاعات، ش ۸۰۳۹، ص۱، ۲، ۴؛ کریمیان، ص۹۹؛ عاقلی، نخست‌وزیران ایران از مشیرالدوله تا بختیار، ص۷۷۳؛ عاقلی، روزشمار تاریخ ایران، ج۱، ص۳۴۶
  17. نجاتی، ص۲۶۱، ۲۶۴، ۲۶۶، ۳۷۷؛ کاتوزیان، ص۱۹۴، ۲۱۲ـ ۲۱۳، ۲۲۴؛ گذشته چراغ راه آینده است، ص۶۳۶؛ خامه‌ای، ص۱۰۰۴ـ ۱۰۰۵
  18. کاتوزیان، ص۱۹۴، ۲۳۰ـ۲۳۱؛ مدنی، ج۱، ص۲۷۸
  19. شهربانی کشور، ج۱، ص۴۹۱ـ۴۹۲؛ کریمیان، ص۸۹؛ عاقلی، روزشمار تاریخ ایران، ج۲، ص۶۳
  20. نجاتی، ص۳۷۷، ۴۳۲
  21. کاتوزیان، ص۲۳۵؛ گذشته چراغ راه آینده است، ص۶۶۵؛ ابتهاج، ج۱، ص۳۴۳؛ بامداد، ج۲، ص۲۸۹
  22. ذبیح، ص۱۸۲؛ گازیوروسکی، ص۲۸، ۳۶؛ تقی زاده، ص۳۷۰؛ ملکی، مقدمه کاتوزیان، ص۱۰۴ـ۱۰۶؛ اخوی، ص۱۸۶.
  23. مدنی، ج۱، ص۲۷۷ـ ۲۷۸؛ ذبیح، ص۱۸۶؛ ظهور و سقوط سلطنت پهلوی، ج۲، ص۱۸۶
  24. اطلاعات، ش ۸۱۶۹، ص۸
  25. عاقلی، روزشمار تاریخ ایران، ج۲، ص۱۲، ۵۱؛ فلسفی، ص۱۹۳، ۱۹۴، پانویس ۱، ص۱۹۶
  26. Encyclopædia Iranica, under the entry
  27. Talu'i, Players of the Pahlavi Era, vol. 1, p. 435
  28. Madani, vol. 1, pp. 374, 375; Maleki, Introduction by Katouzian, p. 149
  29. Islamic Revolution Document Center, vol. 1, pp. 27, 33, 52; Davani, vol. 2, pp. 42, 44, 46, 50, 72–73, 137, 148–149, 151, 153–154; Seven Thousand Days of Iranian History and the Islamic Revolution, vol. 1, pp. 104, 106–107
  30. Islamic Revolution Document Center, vol. 1, p. 60; Davani, vol. 3, pp. 206–207
  31. Talu'i, Players of the Pahlavi Era, vol. 1, p. 460; Aqeli, Chronology of Iranian History, vol. 2, p. 148; Davani, vol. 3, p. 208
  32. Talu'i, Story of the Revolution, pp. 205–206; Davani, vol. 4, pp. 121–123
  33. Aqeli, Prime Ministers of Iran from Moshiroddowleh to Bakhtiar, pp. 938–941, 946, 950