Draft:Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani

Hashemi Rafsanjani
File:Hashemi Rafsanjani.jpg
Name	Akbar Hashemi Behramani
Personal Details
Birth Place	Rafsanjan
Death Place	Tehran
Works	Template:Horizontal list

Akbar Hashemi Behramani, known as "Hashemi Rafsanjani," was born on Saturday, 3 Shahrivar 1313 SH in the village of Behraman, located in the Nuq plain of Rafsanjan County, into a devout family.

Parents

He was one of nine children of Mirza Ali Hashemi Behramani and Mah Bibi Safarian. Although his father had received seminary education, he was among the orchardists and farmers of the region.

Education

Akbar Hashemi began his education at the age of five in the maktab (traditional school) of Aqa Sayyed Habib and continued at the maktab of "Zan Molla Abdullah." However, at the age of fourteen, due to the limited capacity and facilities of the village and with the aim of continuing his studies in the seminary, he migrated to Qom. His rented accommodation in the house of the Marashi brothers and his neighborhood with Imam Khomeini in the Yakhchal-e Qazi alley provided an exceptional opportunity for this young migrant from the village, who possessed remarkable talent and eagerness for learning, to benefit from the knowledge of prominent scholars of the Qom Seminary, including Grand Ayatollahs: Sayyed Hossein Borujerdi, Sayyed Mohammad Mohaghegh Damad, Mohammad-Reza Golpaygani, Sayyed Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, Abdul-Karim Haeri Yazdi, Shahabuddin Najafi Marashi, Mohammad Hossein Tabataba'i, Hossein-Ali Montazeri, and especially Imam Khomeini. The political atmosphere in Qom and across the country, particularly during the years 1328–1332 SH, along with issues related to the nationalization of oil, the Fada'iyan-e Islam, the events surrounding Ayatollah Kashani and Mohammad Mosaddegh, and the gradual movement of society toward awakening, drew Akbar Hashemi, then a young seminary student, into the heart of political affairs, leaving him with many bitter and sweet memories from those years.

Beginnings of Cultural Activities

Following the coup of 28 Mordad 1332 SH and the fall of the legitimate government, along with the house arrest of Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh in Ahmadabad Mostowfi, Hashemi Rafsanjani, who had become well aware of both general and specific societal issues, clearly understood that addressing many of society's ailments required public awareness, especially among the elite. He recognized that joint programs by colonialism and despotism aimed to spread ignorance, propagate superstitions, and promote unawareness. At a time when reading newspapers and periodicals—considered Western imports—was deemed inappropriate for seminary students, just like many modern innovations such as loudspeakers and radios, he launched a publication titled "Maktab-e Tashayyu" (School of Shi'ism), which was pre-sold throughout the country.

While researching articles for the publication, he focused on two issues resulting from the collaboration between despotism and colonialism: the Palestinian cause and Iran's backwardness. These topics became the foundation for two enduring books in Iranian and Islamic history: The History of Palestine and Amir Kabir. Both books, introduced with prefaces such as "The Black Record of Colonialism" and "The Hero of the Struggle Against Colonialism," caused such disturbance among domestic and foreign adversaries that they led to the imprisonment and bizarre tortures of the author and translator, Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani. Imam Khomeini recommended these two books to marjas, scholars, and seminary students. Dr. Mosaddegh, stating, "I benefited greatly from the book 'The History of Palestine,' and I regretted that it should remain unused in a corner," issued a check to purchase copies so that "more people could acquire it and benefit from it."

Activities

During the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Hashemi Rafsanjani was an influential and prominent member of the Revolutionary Council. He subsequently pursued activities in various fields, including:

• Member of the Five-Man Revolutionary Council
• Member of the Fuel Crisis Resolution Committee
• Member of the Imam's Reception Committee
• Member of the Jurisprudential Council and co-founder of the Islamic Republic Party
• Member and co-founder of the Combatant Clergy Association
• Acting Minister of Interior
• Representative of Tehran in the First, Second, and Third terms of the Islamic Consultative Assembly
• Speaker of the Islamic Consultative Assembly
• Temporary Friday Prayer Leader of Tehran from 1360 to 1388 SH
• Representative of the Supreme Leader in the Supreme Defense Council
• Spokesperson of the Supreme Defense Council
• Commander of the Sacred Defense from 1362 SH
• Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces
• Representative of Tehran in the First through Fifth terms of the Assembly of Experts
• Deputy Chairman of the Assembly of Experts for five terms
• Chairman of the Assembly of Experts during the Fourth term
• President of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the Fifth and Sixth terms
• Founding member of the Board of Trustees of Islamic Azad University
• Member of the Board of Trustees of Islamic Azad University
• Chairman of the Expediency Discernment Council from 1368 to 1395 SH

Beginning of the Struggle

From the ninth day of Muharram in the year 1378 AH, corresponding to 4 Mordad 1337 SH, he entered the arena of struggle against tyranny by delivering a stirring speech against the monarchy in Hamedan. Subsequently, he was arrested, imprisoned, and tortured seven times, totaling four years and five months, on charges of clandestine activities against the Pahlavi dynasty. Despite being exempt from military service, he was forcibly conscripted; nevertheless, he never ceased his struggle, the propagation of the late Imam's thoughts, or raising public awareness.

Following the exile of Imam Khomeini, Hashemi's role in organizing the struggle and the fighters, as well as preventing deviations within the clerical movement, became more prominent. He traveled not only to deliver speeches at religious gatherings in Tehran and among supporters of various political factions domestically but also to resolve disputes among activists abroad, journeying to Iraq, Lebanon, Europe, America, and even the Far East. Typically, after each trip, he was arrested and imprisoned by SAVAK. In his final conviction, following protests by scholars and marjas in Qom and Najaf, his death sentence was commuted to imprisonment. After enduring three years of the harshest treatment in Qasr, Qasr Prison, Qezel Hesar, Evin, Qarqaleh prisons, and the Joint Committee Against Sabotage, he joined the surging sea of the nation during the inspiring rallies of Azar 1357 SH.

First Official Revolutionary Responsibilities

Although Hashemi Rafsanjani had been a trusted confidant of Imam Khomeini since the early days of the struggle, and had even been sent by the Imam to Tehran to collect documents during the Capitulation crisis, he assumed his first official revolutionary responsibilities months before the victory of the Revolution.

Appointed by the Imam, he became a member of the Revolutionary Council alongside four other clerics. He remained a member of this council even after the Revolution and even served as the acting Minister of Interior to oversee Iran's first presidential election.

Again, by the Imam's appointment, he was the sole cleric serving on the Fuel Crisis Resolution Committee. Dr. Bazargan, who headed this committee, upon observing the impact of Hashemi's words on oil company workers and strikers, remarked: "Now I understand the reason for including a cleric in a specialized and political assembly."

His other responsibilities in the days preceding the Revolution's victory included membership in the Imam's Welcome Committee and managing the mobilization of clerics at the University of Tehran Mosque.

Victory of the Islamic Revolution

After the Imam's return to the country, the multitude of responsibilities left no opportunity for Hashemi, who like a devoted disciple had long yearned to meet his mentor, to visit the great architect of the Revolution. Regarding this matter, Hashemi Rafsanjani stated: "The day after the Imam's return to the homeland, that is, on 13 Bahman 1357 SH, when after a long separation we reached his presence at Refah School, I still cherish in my heart the sweetness of his words, mixed with both reproach and affection: 'Where have you been? We have been here for two days and have not seen you?' I respectfully replied: 'There are many critical tasks and heavy responsibilities.'"

On the 14th of Bahman, the Imam appointed him and the martyr Motahhari to manage the content of radio and television programs. Finally, on the 16th of Bahman, standing before the cameras beside the dear Imam, he read aloud the decree appointing Engineer Bazargan as Prime Minister, gradually making his fame as widespread as the sun.

Membership in the Revolutionary Council, acting leadership of the Ministry of Interior, membership in the Central Council of the Combatant Clergy Association, membership in the Central Council of the Islamic Republic Party, membership in the Assembly of Experts, representation of Tehran's people in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, presidency of the Legislative Branch, membership in the Supreme Defense Council, and responsibility and membership in several key decision-making institutions of the system—especially after the gradual martyrdom of some fellow fighters—made Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani a central figure of reference. Remarkably, these numerous responsibilities were accompanied by the Imam's increasing trust, the peak of which is evident in the expressions of a message he wrote following the unsuccessful assassination attempt against that great man:

To His Excellency Hujjat al-Islam, the committed mujahid, dear Mr. Hashemi,

The late Modarres, who was assassinated by order of Reza Khan, sent a message from the hospital: "Tell Reza Khan that I am alive." Modarres is still alive today. The men of history remain alive forever. The ill-wishers must know that Hashemi is alive because the movement is alive... I congratulate Mr. Hashemi—the noble son of Islam—for advancing toward his goal to the very brink of martyrdom, and I ask Almighty God for his health and the continuation of his service.

The Sacred Defense

The Supreme Defense Council, also known as the "War Command Room," was the central body for making major decisions regarding how to confront the aggressors. The ultimate outcome of these decisions was the honorable victory of our country and the humiliating defeat of Saddam and his allies at the end of the eight-year war.

Among the names of the decision-makers and the proponents of influential ideas during the Sacred Defense, the name of one commander always stands out. Based on his exceptional competence and prudence, this commander gained the attention of the Imam of the Revolution (Imam Khomeini) and, by the decree of the founder of the Islamic Revolution, assumed command of the war.

When the Ba'ath Party attacked dear Iran, Hashemi Rafsanjani immediately appeared at the Army Headquarters. He always proudly recalled his first meeting with Air Force pilots following the bombing of the country's airports, where the sons of Iran told him: "If the regime's decision is not to engage in war, at least give us the opportunity to defend the honor of the Air Force, the Army, the people, and Iran."

Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani thought of nothing but "repelling the enemy's aggression" and "preserving Iran's territorial integrity." He believed the solution lay in instilling a spirit of resistance in the Iranian nation and employing the capabilities of the armed forces against the invading Ba'athist army. He made tremendous efforts to elucidate Imam Khomeini's vision for organizing a "popular defense." He was one of the most successful Friday Prayer preachers, articulating Islamic defensive thought to the people in his analytical sermons and encouraging them to voluntarily participate in the fields of national defense.

With the formation of the Supreme Defense Council, the Imam of the Revolution selected Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani as one of Imam Khomeini's representatives on this council. His presence in the Supreme Defense Council ensured his continuous engagement with the realities of political issues and the actual battlefield. However, Hashemi's more significant role became apparent after the liberation of Khorramshahr on 3 Khordad 1361 (May 24, 1982) and during the continuation of the war. Regarding decisions on how to proceed after the liberation of Khorramshahr, he was among those who believed that Iran held the upper hand over Iraq and could end the war through political negotiations. Although he acknowledged that military commanders, particularly the late General Ghasem-Ali Zahirenejad, Chief of the Joint Staff of the Army, had convinced the Imam in two sessions of the Supreme Defense Council held in Imam Khomeini's presence to cross the border and adopt a defensive stance on the banks of the Arvand Rud (Shatt al-Arab), Hashemi Rafsanjani viewed reaching this natural defensive barrier as an opportunity to achieve a superior military position relative to the Iraqi Army. This position would allow for an honorable end to the imposed war through "negotiation," "reconciliation," and the "imposition of Iran's conditions" upon Saddam Hussein.

Following the failure of Operation Ramadan and the emergence of disagreements between Army and IRGC commanders, Hashemi Rafsanjani moved closer to the operational scene. Since commanders from both the Army and the IRGC raised many of their problems and challenges with Hashemi as someone close to Imam Khomeini, he sought to enhance coordination between these two military institutions. As discrepancies between the Army and the IRGC increased and unsuccessful operations such as Valfajr-e Moqadamati continued, Imam Khomeini concluded that an individual should be appointed to coordinate the armed forces so that the capacities of the IRGC and the Army could be better utilized in unison against enemy forces. Accordingly, in a decree issued on 30 Bahman 1362 (February 19, 1984), he appointed Hashemi Rafsanjani as the commander of the so-called Valfajr operations, effectively placing him in command of the war.

Upon the issuance of this decree, Hashemi Rafsanjani established the Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters and increased his presence in operational zones. Before the commencement of Operation Khaybar, during meetings with commanders of various operational ranks from both the Army and the IRGC, it became evident that he possessed an organized mind and exercised great precision in adopting military viewpoints. Regarding operational plans, he was not merely a listener; rather, he discussed the rationale behind every decision and posed precise questions.

During the war, considering the "realities of the operational scene," his understanding of "own capabilities and capacities" as well as the "strength and capacities of the Iraqi Army," and taking into account the "support" that major powers, particularly wealthy Arab countries like Saudi Arabia, provided to Saddam Hussein, Hashemi Rafsanjani offered a practical interpretation of the slogan "War, War until Victory" pursued by Imam Khomeini. He sought to "shorten the duration of the war" and bring the conflict to an end. Hashemi defined "victory" as the capture of a strategic region of Iraqi soil, such as Basra or the oil-rich areas of southern Iraq. This would enable Iran to liberate the remaining occupied Iranian territories from a position of strength, end the war through "political negotiation," and pave the way for the progress and reconstruction of both countries. Guided by this perspective, he supported the planning of Operations Khaybar and Badr, which aimed to bring Iranian forces to the banks of the Tigris River and secure the oil wells of the Majnun Islands. Before the execution of Operation Badr in 1363 (1984–85), addressing Army and IRGC commanders at the central Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters, Hashemi Rafsanjani made comprehensive remarks, ultimately stating: "If you successfully carry out this operation and block the road from Basra to Baghdad, we will end the war."

He pursued this strategy until the end of the war, seeking to conduct a "decisive operation" that would allow him to conclude the conflict from a position of strength.

Strengthening the country's defensive capabilities was one of Hashemi's programs as war commander, as he was the politician and cleric most proficient in military matters and operational plans. For this reason, he focused on procuring surface-to-surface and coast-to-sea missiles for the armed forces and succeeded in acquiring a limited number of missiles through diplomacy. He realized that a small number of missiles could not counter Iraq's growing air and missile power, which relied on support from major powers such as Russia, China, and France. Therefore, he immediately laid the foundation for the missile industries of the IRGC and Jahad, even involving his son, Mohsen, who was studying abroad. He should be regarded as the father of Iran's missile industry and power, as the deployment and production of various Scud, Silkworm, and TOW anti-tank missiles are the fruits of this great endeavor. Furthermore, he seized every opportunity to rebuild Iran's missile capabilities, particularly Hawk anti-aircraft missiles, and to supply parts for fighter jets. Through this policy, and leveraging the need of Americans and French to free their hostages in Lebanon, he managed to procure significant quantities of parts, Hawk missiles, and TOW missiles in 1364 (1985–86), an effective action in the Iran-Contra affair.

In the last four years of the war, Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani, along with other state officials, directed the nation's capacities toward the fronts. During this period, operations such as Faw, Karbala-4, Shalamcheh (Karbala-5), and Valfajr-10 were conducted from 1364 to early 1367 (1985–1988). With the expansion of the war, its spread to urban centers, the escalation of chemical warfare, and the increase in Iraqi attacks on Iranian oil ports and tankers in the Persian Gulf, Imam Khomeini, on 12 Khordad 1367 (June 2, 1988), appointed Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani as "Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces" with full authority. This appointment enabled him to utilize all government resources and armed forces to confront the Iraqi Ba'athist army. Consequently, he assigned the Prime Minister as the Chief of Staff of the Commander-in-Chief and placed several ministers and war commanders in responsibilities within the Commander-in-Chief's headquarters.

The most significant role of Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani must be recognized in ending the imposed war in 1367 (1988). In the final stages of the war, almost none of the top-ranking officials spoke of ending the conflict, which had become a war of attrition. However, after his appointment as Deputy Commander-in-Chief, Hashemi Rafsanjani requested war commanders to present their plans for continuing and achieving victory in the war. He also asked the government to illustrate the state of the national treasury regarding its capacity to support forces on the operational front. The shocking letter from the Commander-in-Chief of the IRGC and the report by the Head of the Plan and Budget Organization indicated that military victory was not imminent. On the other hand, it was clear that the United States and other major powers would not allow the Islamic Republic of Iran to become the absolute and undisputed victor in the war with Iraq. The extensive presence of US warships in the Persian Gulf since 1366 (1987), their attack on Iranian oil platforms, and the shooting down of an Iranian passenger plane all attested to this reality.

At this juncture, after four months of consecutive defeats on the fronts and the capture of nearly 17,000 fighters, Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani prepared for a great sacrifice. He proposed to Imam Khomeini that he accept responsibility for ending the war through the acceptance of UN Security Council Resolution 598, offering himself as a sacrifice to achieve peace for the Iranian nation. However, Imam Khomeini, who always honestly and transparently conveyed the realities of the situation and the country's problems to the people, personally accepted the ceasefire, thereby bringing the eight-year war to an end.

Presidency

Hashemi Rafsanjani can confidently be regarded as the man of Iran's difficult times. From his companionship with the Founder of the Islamic Republic during the days of struggle and revolution to his acceptance of responsibility throughout the entire era of the Islamic Republic, it is evident that he was an irreplaceable figure for Iran.

It was precisely this power and ability to manage challenging conditions that compelled him in 1989, exactly one year after the end of the war and following the demise of Imam Khomeini (RA), to assume the presidency and undertake the task of economic reconstruction, which had suffered severe damage during the eight-year war.

Accordingly, the Construction Government came to power in the early post-war years. The first administration of Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani faced a severe budget deficit of nearly 50 percent; however, it succeeded in balancing the budget over an eight-year period. Moreover, the composition of the budget and government expenditures shifted in favor of development projects and construction costs, leading to the inauguration and launch of major development projects throughout his eight-year presidency.

Following the end of the war, one of the country's priorities was national reconstruction, repairing infrastructure, and addressing damages caused by the imposed war. Accordingly, the Construction Government prioritized rebuilding war devastations and promoting economic development. It established its domestic programs based on policies of adjustment, export expansion (as opposed to import substitution), privatization, and attraction of foreign investment, while grounding its foreign policy in détente.

Among the most significant economic activities undertaken by the Construction Government was the formulation and implementation of the first five-year economic development plan after the Revolution. An open economic policy and the enactment of anti-monopoly laws were among his effective measures. Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani advanced the economic philosophy of his government based on the inclusion of technical experts proficient in economics, namely technocrats. Thus, during his first and second terms, efforts were made to shift the country's executive and operational management from purely political figures to individuals possessing the necessary technical and operational expertise in each field. This approach ensured that the country's construction and infrastructure sectors were not managed according to political considerations, but rather guided primarily by technical and expert perspectives.

Furthermore, due to the country's need for foreign currency to carry out this extensive volume of work, the utilization of finance and foreign loans became essential as financial levers to initiate and accelerate domestic projects during this period.

Domestic companies also played a crucial role during this period in kickstarting the initial wheels of development. Of course, in critical sectors such as oil and gas, where the country lacked high engineering capacity at that time, reviving dormant capacities held particular importance. All these factors combined led to the simultaneous commencement of construction processes across various sectors.

According to him, the implementation of stabilization policies reduced the inflation rate from 49.4 percent to 23.2 percent by 1996, while simultaneously increasing the gross domestic product growth rate from 5.4 percent to 5.2 percent, and raising the investment growth rate from 3.2 percent to 8.3 percent. Additionally, the unemployment rate declined from 16 percent immediately after the war to 9 percent in 1997. Other achievements of the Construction Era included an increase in the foreign trade balance to $7.4 billion, a reduction in total external debts, and an improvement in the maturity structure of debts.

During this period, more than 60 reservoir dams were constructed, and the expansion of irrigation and drainage networks, along with other measures in the agricultural sector, enabled products such as wheat and other crops to experience an annual growth rate of approximately 60 percent.

Furthermore, along the path of reconstruction, production enterprises, factories, and the private sector experienced faster and greater growth, which laid the fundamental basis for the country's economic development. This growth subsequently led to increased employment, expansion of domestic production, growth in financial resources, and consequently higher consumption. Therefore, the reduction in unemployment resulting from increased construction and production facilitated income distribution across a broader segment of society.

The measures taken by the Construction Government in reconstructing the country and establishing economic and cultural infrastructures left positive consequences in the political, economic, cultural, and social arenas of the nation.

The implementation of the First Development Plan during this period, in addition to boosting economic activities, stimulated investment, production, and employment, achieving an average annual gross domestic product growth rate of 3.7 percent, and partially repaired war-related damages. The Second Development Plan did not differ significantly from the First Plan in terms of structure and nature, being essentially a continuation thereof; in this plan as well, economic growth and development were considered the primary objective.

Presidency of the Assembly of Experts

In September 2007, following the death of Ayatollah Meshkini, the late Chairman of the Assembly of Experts, Rafsanjani was elected as the chairman of this important and influential assembly during the second annual session of its fourth term.

In March 2011, he handed over the presidency of the Assembly of Experts to Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani.

Death

He ultimately passed away on Sunday, 8 January 2017. After the funeral prayer led by Ayatollah Khamenei, he was buried in the holy shrine of Imam Khomeini.

References

Documentation Center of Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani